In contrast, it is known, we can not quite say the same thing. Must avoid, purify, simplify to be heard. In economic terms, there are the UMP splint. The angles are not so easy to find against Holland, moving target, self-proclaimed "left" and pursuing a policy of supply warlord when we think without relief, making employment a priority while playing social issues.
So when there is a fault, it rushes into. Nine months after his arrival at the Elysee François Hollande, the right is convinced that corporate taxation and tax 75% have created a gap between the left and sustainable patterns. Gestures made from the competitiveness and the labor market were not enough to heal the wound. "The growth may be paralyzed because of the stigma contractors, craftsmen, traders and those who want to create," was outraged Jean-Francois Cope last week in meeting.
Anything like that, suddenly, a discourse on reform. In recent times, the UMP has refined its arrows against the executive. They take in a few words: François Hollande does not undertake reforms at the level of difficulty French. The competitiveness pact and the labor market could come counteract this demonstration several UMP parliamentarians join the socialist vote for vote at the Meeting. Political trap? Not at all, ensures the UMP, it is rather a sign that there is consensus in France on the need to put the country back on the rails healthier budget. "The other policy" is returned to extremes. The trapped, so this is the PS, which validates the finding means without putting across. "I vote for the reform of the labor market, summed Jean-Francois Cope yesterday on RTL, but we must go much further structural reforms. '
Because, not mine, this discourse of reform "uninhibited" is an evolution, or rather a return to basics for the UMP. Over the past decade, Nicolas Sarkozy has refused to be locked into a liberal discourse – "it is 4% in the elections," he defended. Reform, yes, but associated with a strong political will, and thus the state, its armed wing. From the 2007 presidential campaign, he mixed the two objectives, decreased number of officials, for example, and offensive speech against "rogue bosses". Power, the former president reformed the universities and pensions, but he also sought to regulate finance and executive compensation. During the months that followed Lehman Brothers, the balance between the two "legs" of the policy itself clearly tilted in favor of state intervention.
The second campaign brought another change. To prevent bleeding voters to the National Front, Nicolas Sarkozy, advised by Patrick Buisson, chose to cast a veil over economic issues to focus on the concerns of the French identity. His speech gradually slipped increasingly protectionist and reassuring. And surprisingly, he then continued. The result of Nicolas Sarkozy on May 6 was considered good enough for not opening a trial positioning right. And, especially, Jean-Francois Cope, in the race for the internal election to the presidency of the party, made the calculation that the UMP activists expected him the same speech. End of August, Châteaurenard, he still speaks little economy and many European protectionism.
Six months later, much water has flowed under the bridge of the UMP. He needs to rebuild after the November crisis. Security and immigration keep a major role, but Churchill was called to the rescue. Especially the studies as a barometer of confidence Cevipof report of persistent identity tensions in French, but also a more lenient towards business and market forces.